I am so happy that Landon is home and feeling much better.
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Alan Keyes might also fit but his claim would be suspect since he was on enough ballots to even win the Presidency in the first place. Other than that you could wait until after the election and see if you could sign up the loser assuming President Obama wins re-election. Just got my card last night. So sad. So hope springs eternal…. Le couple traditionnel fonctionnait bien? Kess tu veux de plussss!
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Hope everyone had an awesome mother's day! The sex ratio in former USSR countries has nothing to do with a magical ability for people to breed more daughters if they're poor, and everything to do with the fact that many of their men die young. Poor countries have more daughters? Like in China? Every single nation in the world gives birth to more boys than girls. African peoples sex ratio at birth is slightly closer to than the world average, which is probably where that voodoo magic of poverty caused sex selection comes from.
Luigi Capone scrive:Ringrazio per i commenti Alba Scura e Francesco, per il modo di vedere le cose simile al mio! A Tyler Darden che cavolo posso rispondere!?!? Chi spera che qualcuno mi oscuri o censuri i miei post casca male…. Hi, scheint ja wirklich nicht schlecht zu sein, so ein Teil. Was leider immer noch ein wenig abschreckend ist, ist halt der Preis. Der bei der Leistung sicherlich gerechtfertigt ist, aber so richtig weis man ja erst einmal nicht, was einen in Sachen Betriebssystem erwartet.
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Those actions and atitudes are made far more likely by the persistence of the psuedo-doctrines we are talking about. The responsible action is, in my view, to do away with them, because I disagree with the original post that there is any legitimate basis to believe in them in the first place. If only we had a decent online bookstore like amazon.
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Some of the print on demand services are pretty cool too — why bother printing the book until someone has actually purchased it? Great for the low print run books. Perhaps, the GOP is pretending to love them. The same holds true for most I see on television. Through a channeling, they assured me they were nearby and reminded me to count the blessings of my life. As I have aged, the idea of afterlife is definitely on my mind and I am sure of it.
The psychic knew things about my family that she could not have known otherwise. I am much more aware of connections in a way that I never could have been unless I had lost loved ones. Oh yes, they are smiling and helping me along my life path…. These scoundrels and evil scum are creating the environment which will culminate in the spilling of much innocent Jewish blood.
My primary resources for research include:atlas shrugsisrapunditisrael national newsdebka file Jeff Grill, M. When I started the blog, I felt God would lead those He wanted to the site. Super dat dat zo snel ging. Ik zou ook zenuwachtig worden op het moment dat ik door heb dat ik getest word.
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I will be writing at least one blog per week next year, and I am in the process of figuring out how to offer writing classes online. Let me know if you are interested in the classes and the posts. Do you understand Judaism as some prototype Leftist ideology? It was a half-hearted attempt at a comment. The West has been overtaken by overzealous jews thus rendering it Judaic as opposed to Christian.
Bit drunk. They pick up maybe one in mentions. And that's in a good month.
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I have cut it off before so we could cut it off together. Great job. It is so hard finding colored shirts in small sizes. Right now they seem to have a lot of long sleeve ones. Lucky for my daughter I put her in a 4T shirt and it can be a dress until she's big enough to fit into it as a shirt. A very Happy Birthday to you!
Robin sent me over here and I can tell from your words that this is an important milestone to you. Welcome to my decade! They offer no resolution or consolation, but disrupt and test our customary notions of ourselves. These different spaces, which contest forms of anticipatory utopianism, hold no promise or space of liberation. With different degrees of relational intensity, heterotopias glitter and clash in their incongruous variety, illuminating a passage for our imagination.
Thesis outline In the first chapter I will use the case of young heroin users to illustrate the process of spatialization of youth deviance. In a first step I will show why and how heroin use became a symbol for the profound crisis of the Fordist regime in the s. As such, it was translated into a problem of order in public urban space, in an attempt to render heroin use and social crises less threatening. The practice of heroin users to meet at public places and to thereby constitute visible heroin scenes and its interpretation as spatial symptoms of a crisis paved the way to govern heroin in and through urban space.
Two complementary developments will elucidate these processes: first, I will show how heroin use was symbolically contained through discursive constructions of single meeting places as heterotopias of deviation. This symbolic containment was complemented by practices of policing of open heroin scenes in urban space. The second chapter deals with squatted houses as spaces of non-conforming youth. In contrast to the first chapter now the perspective of youth themselves comes into focus. After a short history of the Berlin squatters' scene and the related press discourse, squatting as an emotional and social practice will come under scrutiny.
This idea of free spaces was also experienced as a possibility to create whole liberated territories on a district level. Spaces of politically active youth and of heroin users were not necessarily located at different geographical sites. As the example of the autonomous youth centre AJZ in Zurich in chapter three shows, the use of the same space by different groups of youth who : It was the attempt to react to governmental policies to spatialize drug use and to disperse drug users from public urban spaces by providing a safe haven for young heroin users.
Informational campaigns to keep the misery of these drug users visible show the potential but also the difficulty to react to new forms of governance and control without accepting urban space as the only field to deal with problems of marginalised youth. In those instances where activists fully adopted a spatial logic, their radical opposition missed its mark and their spaces turned into sites of stagnation rather than liberation.
This is shown in chapter four for the West German squatters' scene and its treatment of conflicts about drug use and gender roles. In contrast to Zurich, heroin users were constructed as alien and a danger to the squatters' scene and consequentially excluded. Further self-segregation into women's spaces or the exclusion of individuals from squatters' spaces were the only possible choices for activists that had fully adopted a spatialized understanding of the social.
Governing through spaces of heroin consumption Conflicts were necessary in particular, conflicts over urban space [ While the surface was remodelled to suit the needs of motorized traffic, people could travel from dormitory towns at the fringes of the city to its consumerist centre by using the subway. The modernity of this concept was even underlined rather than contradicted by the absence of sunlight and the illumination of the vast concrete tunnels with artificial lights.
At the same time the left-wing Konkret had published a series in three parts on heroin use. Media and general public witnessed the shooting-up of heroin with an unsettling mixture of fascination and fear, lust and angst. The report by Der Spiegel exemplifies many of the facets that would dominate the drug discourse of the s and s, which will be discussed throughout the following chapter.
Heroin use was, first, discussed as a problem of public urban spaces. Two worlds, that of orderly citizens and that of drug users, were colliding in the same place. Drug users did not use public places to stroll from shop to shop but rather, to sojourn there. Telephone boxes were used to prepare and inject freshly acquired heroin in relative peace. The topic of heroin use urgently needed to be addressed partly because it created conflicts about the proper use of public urban spaces.
These conflicts were fuelled by the conspicuous character of the heroin scene. The heroin users' greatest affront was not that they were breaking the law, but that they were doing it in public, in view of passers-by and even the police. The visibility was further enhanced by the negative effects of diluted heroin on drug users' bodies. Even if no criminal acts could be witnessed, visible milieus of delinquency continued to exist and could not be avoided by orderly citizens.
One of the main focal points of contemporary drug discourses was therefore the visible presence of heroin users in public urban spaces—and not the criminal act of consuming illegalized substances itself. The visibility of the heroin problem was, third, significantly enhanced through media reports such as the one cited above. Heroin use has always been a phenomenon that concerned only a very small minority of the overall populace.
Criação de seu modelo de vestido
It could be encountered in public spaces, especially in the bigger cities, yet most people knew heroin use and heroin users solely through the media. Heroin might have been understood as a phenomenon of the margins or periphery of society. In public urban space and through the news coverage, though, it was extending into society's very core and became a topic that concerned everyone. Starting from these deliberations, this chapter will examine the creation of visible heroin scenes both discursively and spatially.
Discursively, heroin was conceived as a problem of youth delinquency and linked to other forms of social, economic, and cultural crises. These crises were translated into a terminology of space: heroin users became the symbols and reminders of a potentially all-encompassing crisis, a crisis that was about to follow in the footsteps of heroin, spreading to all corners of society. The focus on the visible symptoms of heroin use, that is, on groups of heroin users in public space instead of individual consumers, also allowed for new ways to govern problems of transgressive youth.
The example of the Berlin train station Bahnhof Zoo will show how the 42 media turned one of many meeting points of the local heroin scene into a symbolic site of heroin consumption and indeed of many other forms of threatening social developments. On a symbolic level, certain forms of behaviour and groups of people could thus be socially excluded and spatially contained. The discourse on heroin use by adolescents became one of the sites at which society could reassure itself of its fundamental norms and values.
And by conceiving the Bahnhof Zoo as a counter-site to the rest of the city, it was seemingly possible to prevent youth from pervasive danger by keeping them from this singular space, that is by exerting strict spatial control. These assumptions in turn informed governmental strategies to combat juvenile drug use. While funding for therapeutic programs remained scarce after the economic crisis of , the policing of open heroin scenes intensified in the early s, which in turn fostered perceptions of heroin use as a spatial problem. This repressive strategy, implemented most strictly in the city of Zurich, could not prevent youth from taking illegalized drugs, nor could it dissolve local heroin scenes.
Instead, the young heroin users were forced to constantly change their meeting places and to move through the city; as a consequence their situation worsened significantly. This chapter shows how it was nevertheless possible to present policing the heroin scene as a replacement for the care for and disciplining of individual drug users and how drug consuming teenagers—and the encompassing social crisis they signified—could seemingly be brought under control, once again, through the control of urban space.
Vice city: spatializing juvenile heroin consumption in the s For youth delinquency, as for epidemics, there are foci of infection. Yet this was not just of concern for the parents of these children, as youth—and children in particular—also represented the future of society in general. These anxieties were fuelled by the experience of a severe crisis that affected the economy as much as matters of culture, migration as much as sexual norms, and the nation-state as much as the city.
I will show how heroin consumption, understood as a youth phenomenon, came to signify these crises; and in particular, how the social crisis of the s was translated into a crisis of youth. I will further argue that this interpretation was supported by a second translation, that of social phenomena—changing consumption patterns, youth delinquency—into questions of space.
Their innocence was as much endangered by the spread of heroin as the innocence of children. In turn, it was not so much social conditions or individual behaviour that needed to be addressed in order to govern the problem of juvenile heroin consumption and to mitigate the effects of the crisis. Rather, it was necessary to control the spreading of heroin which usually was synonymous with controlling the movement of heroin users in the city. The phenomenon of heroin use was turned into a matter of control over public urban space. Heroin use as a youth phenomenon Adult anxiety has consistently been expressed in terms of youthful vulnerability, nuisance and misbehaviour and has focused on the simply undesirable, worrying and disobedient as well as criminality.
Der Spiegel summarized the knowledge of experts and politicians Ibid. At the same time, drug use was perceived to be spreading from urban centres to the countryside and from upper to lower classes. Probably the best example was the idea that cannabis was a gateway-drug, the consumption of which would lead young people to other, harder drugs like heroin. By subsuming all illegalized substances under the term drugs, contemporaries missed the development of two different, and distinct, drug scenes. While the use of cannabis and LSD had been popular amongst upper class pupils and university students and was already on the decline, heroin consumption became more and more popular, though primarily among working-class adolescents who had not been part of the hippie underground of the late s.
Briesen, Drogenkonsum, Later studies showed that minors were disproportionately charged with offences against narcotics laws, largely because of illegal consumption, while the actual number of teenage and adolescent drug consumers was significantly lower than statistics based on police controls suggested. Of the drug users at Zurich's Platzspitz park in , the average user had started using heroin at the age of nineteen, although some claimed to have started when they were only twelve years old.
Zurich, , The younger people started with heroin, though, the longer and more intensely they would continue to do so, an effect that has been observed in the case of nicotine consumption as well. The study showed that the number of heroin addicts was much higher than had been assumed previously. Instead of an estimated 3, addicts in West Berlin, the study concluded that about 6, people were addicted to heroin and other opiates. Extrapolating from these figures, estimates for West Germany spoke of approximately , heroin addicts—three times as much as the official 45, Although the majority of heroin users and addicts were young adults, there were some twelve to fourteen year-old drug addicts.
Yet these clearly atypical representatives of the heroin scene were presented as stereotypical, as symptomatic of a wider trend in drug consumption and, not the least, for a whole society for which its base and future were about to be poisoned. This reliance on stereotypical images was, and is, characteristic of mass media coverage of juvenile delinquency, including drug use. On the discursive connection of drug use and teenage sexuality see section 2. One of the unuttered bases for the moral panic about teenage drug use was the disturbing fact that children turned into youth and finally into adults precisely by taking drugs, whether it was the largely accepted alcohol or illegalized heroin.
If anything, stories of drug addicts becoming ever younger might therefore indicate an earlier end of childhood in general, at least as perceived by adults. In a way, the individual crisis of adolescence was a means of understanding and coping with an impersonal and much larger societal crisis. One that even adults couldn't control. Weigel, Min. In the United States, a report on an eight year-old heroin addict even won the Pulitzer prize in , but later turned out to be a hoax. Youth, nation, and the city in crisis: making sense of teenage drug consumption Risks are no immediate effect of the industrial-social reality; rather, they represent a form of thinking about reality — with the objective to make it 'governable'.
Based on this risk-rationality it is possible to identify potential subjects of intervention and to determine objects and limits of 'legitimate' actions. The consumption of illegalized drugs could thus be understood as a failed attempt to master the transition from child to adult. The more intensive someone's drug consumption, the more likely he or she was to have sexual experiences as well, starting from an earlier age, with more frequent changes of sexual partners, and with a wider range of sexual practices employed.
Experts viewed this confluence in light of the social conditions of youth: a broken home would cause inclinations both to early sexual activities and drug use. The use of heroin was thus understood not only in terms of youth but also of sex and gender. Young girls were believed to be the passive victims of seduction to both drugs and sexual intercourse, which in turn implied a greater need for control. This gendered difference was also based on different meanings in regard to the nation state: while all youth symbolized the future of the nation along with related anxieties about this future , young girls, in their role as potential future mothers, embodied this future even more.
These general convictions about youth as crisis were complemented by a historically specific perception of youth in crisis during the s. Following on the economic crisis of and the successive dismantling of the welfare state, the social conditions of youth and especially their prospects for upward mobility looked rather dim; from the mids, youth unemployment continued to be alarmingly high. The unemployment rate among heroin users was higher the longer and more severely heroin was used.
Unemployment was and is an effect rather than a cause for heroin consumption. Bezeichnenderweise fanden sich bei Demonstrationskrawallen, gewaltsamen Hausbesetzungen, Gefangenenbefreiungen und Terroristenaktionen Personen aus der Drogen-Szene oder mit Verbindungen zu ihr. As scholars like Robert P. Stephens have shown, two positions 54 the liberalization and growing permissiveness that supposedly came with it was complemented by a critique of the Fordist welfare state and its supposed passivating effects on young people in particular: There is a lack of demand in regard to the shaping and mastering of one's life: Individual and familial provisions [Daseinsvorsorge] are being handed over to collective governmental and social institutions welfare state.
Young people are learning passive experiences on multiple levels e. Drug use thus needed to be viewed as one possible effect of this deep social crisis. The crises that were touching the core of society were met with a crisis of its borders. Stephens, Germans on Drugs, Liberal and left-wing views on drug consumption will be explored in more detail in section 4. Junge Menschen lernen vielfach passives Erleben z.
Immigration and drug import both demonstrated the fragility of national borders and of national identity based on ethnic purity in a globalized world. The topic of migration and convictions regarding drug use and sexually deviant behaviour of young girls were connected in the motif of white slavery. West Berlin was seen as especially vulnerable in this regard. As West German authorities did not acknowledge the German Democratic Republic as a state, its borders were not being controlled by West German customs agents.
These threatening interconnected developments could be attributed, at least in part, to specific urban spaces. Die Dirnen dankten den netten Umgang durch bereitwilligen Dienst beim Herointransport. Here, criminologists like Arthur Kreuzer suspected the merging of milieus of drugs, migration and prostitution, turning these districts into counter-sites to the bourgeois order of the city. For the city did not just provide spaces for an already existing delinquency. In contrast to previous decades, urban space was now also seen as a potential cause for aberrant adolescent behaviour, including drug use.
All this can foster the search for supposed ways out: youth alcoholism, youth suicide, affiliation in aggressively acting youth gangs or in groups of drug users [Rauschmittelgruppen]. The discourses on drug consumption, youth deviance, modernity, the nation, and the city were related through an all-encompassing experience of social transformation and crisis.
The debate on adolescent drug use allowed to understand these crises and to negotiate and reestablish fundamental social norms and values, for example in regard to gender roles and national identity. The city played a crucial part in this process: it appeared as a stage on which aberrant juvenile behaviour, first of all drug use, was performed and thus becoming visible; as a possible reason for this deviant behaviour; as a symbol for failed Fordist urban and social policies; finally, as a potential container for deviant behaviour or, at least, the battleground on which the struggle for youth and society in crisis would be fought.
Yet even though some sites of youth delinquency could be identified—red-light districts, neighbourhoods with a high proportion of immigrants, but also sites of youth culture like nightclubs and bars—their boundaries were blurred and the exact effects of their architecture on youth behaviour remained uncertain.
On the contrary, heroin use was perceived as a wave that was threatening to flood and poison ever more strata and spaces that had hitherto remained seemingly untouched by the vices of modernity. While drug use had become most visible in urban public spaces, its perceived spreading from there outwards to rural and private spaces was even more disquieting.
Both countryside and the private were constructed as positive counter-sites to the vices of the city. The discourse of heroin reaching these heterotopias of presumed innocence and order can thus be understood as another expression of insecurity in a time of social change. Media reports and experts added to a fetishization of heroin by focusing on the substance instead of behavioural patterns. Teenage drug consumption could thus be conceived as a problem of spaces rather than as a side-effect of successful modernization. It is impossible to make any verifiable statements about the distribution level of heroin in rural areas for the s and s.
There is evidence, however, that heroin had been available outside the urban centres right from the beginning. Heroin was first imported to West Germany by individual young members of the counter-cultural underground of the late s and early s. Stephens, Germans on Drugs, esp. Additionally, the first loads of heroin reached West Germany in the form of unprocessed opium that had to be boiled up with acetic acid before it could be injected. This mixture, a dark-brown liquid, was called Berliner Tinke, Berlin tincture, and sold for as little as fifteen Deutschmarks in the early and mids.
In the early s police and press reported on this movement from the city towards the countryside and connected it to matters of age. As early as Der Spiegel summarized recent E. US army forces, JHF]. And it is increasingly youth and adolescents who become known to the police in the context of the opiate law. Und zunehmend sind es Jugendliche und Heranwachsende, die im Zusammenhang mit dem Opiumgesetz polizeibekannt werden. Der Mediziner: 'Das schwappt jetzt auch aufs Land. Two possible explanations can be given for this phenomenon that do not necessarily exclude each other.
The establishment of visible scenes of juvenile heroin consumers in small towns and even villages probably was a process that had been completed by the mids, despite individual heroin consumption that preceded this development. But the perceived movement from city to countryside was superimposed by the seeming movement of users through the city, once the strategy of policing visible heroin scenes had been implemented.
As with youth, the countryside had been envisioned as an endangered site. It was imagined as a heterotopia of purity and innocence, threatened by contamination from people and substances from the city. The rural environment was constructed as a pastoral idyll, as a heterotopic counter-site to the city that in turn became a symbol for the evils of modernity. The dichotomy between city and countryside was complemented on the micro-level by the one between public and private spaces.
Heroin, like other illegalized drugs, had been consumed and also traded in private apartments since the beginning of its availability. This was most notably the case for all those consumers who did not depend on the open heroin scene for their supply. For those who had established a stable business relationship with one or more drug dealers, there was no necessity to buy in public places. In the per-capita consumption of alcohol had reached its highest level since the first statistics in Each German citizen consumed The emergence of visible drug scenes in rural areas could therefore also be interpreted as a shift from alcohol to other drugs, the biggest difference being the illegal character of the latter.
The actual sale took place elsewhere, including private apartments. Yet as with the countryside, the trade and use of heroin in private space was perceived as one of constant movement. Of the victims who had been found in West Germany that year, sixty percent were discovered in private homes. Seventeen percent were found dead on toilets and subway stations; the rest had died in hospitals, on the street or in hotels. This movement was invoked repeatedly in descriptions of the heroin scene. Whenever the police came, the scene moved temporarily to side streets, only to come back later; whenever the policing of a certain scene intensified, people evaded the pressure by relocating to apartments only to gather again on the streets when the intensity of the raids allowed for it.
The conceived movement of deviant behaviour into apartments can therefore also be understood as an expression of fear: the fear that the boundaries between public and private space, norm and deviance, Self and Other could prove to be more fragile than was generally assumed. BKA schon resignierend fest, setze dieser Taktik 'jedoch Grenzen'. The same mechanism was at work when Der Spiegel described the attempts to dissolve the scene at Frankfurt's Kaisersack in The image of increasingly younger heroin addicts was so successful because it fit well into a perception of drugs invading spaces of order, purity and innocence—a perception that could not be troubled by developments that indicated the contrary.
Only as a picture, which flashes its final farewell in the moment of its recognizability, is the past to be held fast. For it is an irretrievable picture of the past, which threatens to disappear with every present, which does not recognize itself as meant in it. See also Vanessa R. By focusing on substances moving through spaces, conquering increasingly more room and bodies, possible social roots of juvenile drug consumption would largely disappear from view.
Bodies in space: seeing, meeting, and avoiding heroin users in public space It was not the rising number of young heroin addicts that had triggered public interest but the appearance of the addicts in public space. The most obvious reason was the performance of criminal acts in public. Descriptions of teenagers who were dealing and consuming illegalized substances in front of the police served to point out the exceptional character of the acts; not only were these young people breaking the law—they were doing it in sight of the law!
Furthermore, such descriptions implicitly asked for the police to no longer stand and watch but to act and restore law and order. Yet there was more at stake than just crime prevention or persecution. Before the eyes of police and passers-by addicted pupils got the dope, dealers sold a few grams for a profit — money for their own demand. The problem with the supposed members of the drug scene was therefore not simply their individual delinquent behaviour but their belonging to a group that visibly defied hegemonic expectations regarding proper behaviour in public space.
Wilson and George L. The members of the heroin scene were also visible reminders of social crisis. They were viewed as drop-outs not so much because they had chosen to but because they had failed to live up to society's expectations. This becomes most obvious when one looks at the importance of the willingness or capacity for labour in the discourse on drug addicts. From the early to mids especially, drug addicts' inability to work was posed as a significant problem.
Kelling and James Q. Again, the crime of heroin users was not so much the act of selling, buying or using illegalized substances but their being addicts or, more exactly, their being perceived as addicts. The insecurity that the crisis and transformation of society caused so many people was reinforced by visible misery. It was a reminder of the possibility of one's own social fall—a possibility that had to be repressed in order to continue to lead a normal life. By sojourning at certain places their decaying bodies seemed to represent the decay of these sites as well.
Modernist architecture was discussed widely as a possible reason for drug consumption and drug users strengthened the perception of the city as a space of and in crisis. The presence of a visible drug scene thus seemed to prove the perceived social and urban crisis while at the same time contributing to and intensifying it.
Or, on a more abstract level, urban decay produced decaying bodies which in turn symbolized and accelerated this urban decay. For it was the heroin users' decaying bodies whose presence created a space of deviance and whose visibility was hard for many to bear. It was hard to tolerate, as sociologist Imke Schmincke has pointed out, because physical misery [Verelendung] touches one's own physical vulnerability while at the same time indicates a social condition that has not prevented this misery. Through the discomfort in sight of a misery that becomes corporeal a social discrepancy is articulated that manifests itself on the individual bodies.
The more difficult it was to adhere to hegemonic norms and values—due to financial crises and growing rates of unemployment, for instance—the stronger the provocation. Most of these persons buy impulsively: They are strolling between stores and within the stores between the commodities on offer, aimless, without concrete intention of buying but attracted by atmospheres of intense experiences […].
Then, suddenly, they are getting excited, as this year-old woman describes, looking back at her Christmas shopping: 'It was like, it was almost as if my heart would burst, I couldn't wait to go inside and have a look around. They were such strong sensations. In the shop the lights, the people; they were playing Christmas carols. I hyperventilated and my hands began to sweat and all of a sudden I was touching sweaters and everything I touched was waving at me It is a punch in the face of a society that is still defined by values like hard work [Leistung], profit, success, cleanliness, and control.
Pressekonferenz It is the fear to be confronted with the visible consequences of the problem of addiction; it is the fear of one's own possible blight and the impending social exclusion that is used to avenge such deviations from the norm. This is typical. A compulsive buyer does not experience himself as the centre of action: It is not him who desires the commodity—the commodity desires him, looks at him, calls after him, pursues him.
An irresistible suction emanates from it that elevates its prospect to the rank of an exceptional encounter. In the words of a year-old man: 'The product from which emanates a suction is different than all the others. As soon as you see it you stop and look at it for some minutes as if spell-bound, then suddenly it hits you like a stroke and you're getting goose bumps'. Most people knew drug addiction only through mass media products.
Es waren so starke Sinnesempfindungen. Im Laden die Lichter, die Menschen; sie spielten Weihnachtsmusik. Das ist typisch. Here, drug addiction was securely contained within the frame of a newspaper or TV set , excluded by walls and doors , and controlled one could always put away the newspaper; there was no troubling smell or noise. One could gaze at addicts without fear of them looking back thus establishing a connection between 'ordinary' citizens and addicts , without fear of being touched. Although it was a different world from that of most citizens, the public character of the heroin scenes' meeting places made such encounters likely.
Heroin users occupied the same geographical place as 'ordinary' citizens but used it for very different ends. While the latter might use a train or subway station to get to work, heroin users would sojourn there to trade, consume, share information or simply socialize. In these instances it was impossible to ignore the misery of drug users. Jack Stevenson, Addicted. It denotes a citizen, i.
But the term merges the political category of the citizen with the social class of the bourgeoisie. Even if nothing happened, the simultaneous presence of normal and deviant bodies in the same space caused a fear that was experienced as almost corporeal. This corporeality was enhanced in cases when passers-by witnessed the actual process of shooting up, that is the penetration of a body's borders and its subsequent pollution. This sight could cause physical sickness and revulsion for the viewer. Conclusion From the late s, illegalized drugs had been a common aspect of West German youth culture.
By the early s, the use of cannabis by middle- and upper-class pupils was already on the decline, while a growing number of primarily working-class youth took to the newly available heroin. By the mids, this new hard-drug scene had separated itself from the soft-drug and political scenes and had established a network of meeting places in public urban spaces.
This visibility, together with rising numbers of drug-related deaths, sparked a debate on drug use, its causes and its consequences. Youth figured prominently in the discourse on drug use and drug addiction. Weser-Kurier, More generally Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror. The concern about youth was also a concern about the nation's future; the crisis of youth had to be regulated in order to solve the crisis of nation and society.
Gender stereotypes resulted in young girls being placed under intensified observation, with implicit calls for stricter guidance for their own good. As potential mothers, their behaviour was strongly linked to the nation's future and as such needed special attention. The connection between the crisis of youth and the crisis of society that became visible in scenes of young heroin users, worked in both directions.
Yet teenage drug consumption also helped to translate the all- consuming crisis of the s into a crisis of youth, thus providing a potential object for regulatory policies to manage this crisis. The discourse on juvenile drug addiction was therefore also a site at which social norms and values could be renegotiated and reestablished, for instance in regard to national identity, sexuality, work ethics, and the proper behaviour of youth in the widest sense. The conception of drug users becoming ever younger had no equivalent in reality. The focus on a seemingly homogeneous youth allowed observers to ignore social and economic factors in the growing consumption of heroin.
This spatialization also implied a new way of dealing with youth deviance. Until the s, considerable effort had been made to discipline and re-integrate deviant individuals. The use of heroin needed to be contained on a symbolic level and the visible heroin scenes needed to disappear from public space. These two solutions are the focus of the following sections. Its decline between c. The life-story of a young heroin addict turned the train and subway station Bahnhof Zoo, one of many meeting places of the heroin scene, into just such a symbolic space.
This media discourse, I want to argue, conceived the Bahnhof Zoo as a heterotopia, or counter-site, that was entirely different from its surroundings and that was marked by the absence of hegemonic social norms or their complete reversal. For adults, the existence of such a space made heroin use among teenagers less threatening, as they could now protect their children from drugs by keeping them from places like the Bahnhof Zoo. Yet these new spaces of deviance were highly ambiguous. Although they were presented in the media as symbols for delinquency and decline, to many teenagers these spaces became an object of fascination rather than sites to be avoided.
The reception of stories about the Bahnhof Zoo shows that the presumed absence of adult norms and values at these sites turned them into spaces that to many youth promised a freedom that they were not able to find anywhere else in society. Although the assessment of the Bahnhof Zoo by adults and youth differed, the underlying structure was the same; the idea that social conditions could be understood and solved through the management of space.
This split also expressed itself spatially. Under pressure from the police, members of the Berlin drug scene quickly abandoned an established meeting point only to gather at a new one, often just some hundred meters away. According to Berlin drug therapists, the separation of soft and hard drug scene was thus completed by Whether this separation was always so absolute is doubtful. At the local scene at Hasenheide park in Berlin-Kreuzberg, heroin users and hashish smokers apparently hung out together even in the mid- and late s.
Subway stations, public places and parks added up to a whole network of local heroin scenes. These meeting points were mostly used by people who wanted to buy drugs or to establish contacts with dealers, while the actual consumption, sometimes even the purchase, took place in private apartments or public toilets. Young heroin consumers—by an estimated 6,—could be encountered virtually everywhere in the city of West Berlin. Paralleling the series in Stern was the story's publication as a book.
Although written by two journalists, the story appeared in the form of a first-person account under the title Christiane F. Wir Kinder vom Bahnhof Zoo, thereby evoking a high degree of authenticity. The book became a roaring success: it ranked first on the Spiegel list of bestsellers for a record-breaking ninety-five weeks and was translated into more than twenty languages.
Still in print, more than two million copies have sold of the German version alone. It covered Christiane F. Her path led first to the Sound, a major nightclub, where she was introduced to a clique of teenaged drug users, including her soon-to-be boyfriend Detlef. It was in this nightclub that she took her first LSD trip; and after attending a concert by her idol David Bowie, she started snorting heroin. While Detlef and Christiane grew closer to each other, she learned that Detlef prostituted himself at the Bahnhof Zoo.
Although appalled by this fact, soon after her first shot of heroin Christiane herself was forced to work as a prostitute in order to earn the necessary money for her addiction. In the 49th edition was published by Bertelsmann; 1,, copies have been sold since the first edition thirty years ago publisher's information. One year earlier, a sexploitation film based loosely on the story of Christiane F.
She moved out of her mother's apartment to live with a friend of Detlef's, only to be forced to move in with one of his regular clients after losing this friend to a fatal overdose. While several of their friends shared the same fate, Christiane would finally be saved by being sent by her mother to her aunt and grandmother in a small village in rural Schleswig-Holstein. Both the book and film were enormously successful because they took up contemporary assumptions about heroin use and turned them into a meaningful story that, aside from all the dreariness, provided a happy ending. The movie especially, with its inherent necessity to situate every scene in a spatial setting, focused on urban spaces, their meaning and their interconnectedness in telling this story.
City space appeared to provide an explanation for teenage drug consumption and possible solutions to it. The story of Christiane F. To this end, the film explored some of the assumptions for deviant juvenile behaviour, including the decline of the nuclear family, modernist urban architecture, and youth culture.
Christiane was shown to grow up with her sister and single parent mother. Forced to earn a living, the mother was often absent and therefore not able to supervise her children, a fact that was exacerbated by her liberal educational methods. The invisible father thus symbolized a lack of authority that would otherwise have complemented the mother's understanding nature. See for instance Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight, 21ff. By omitting the father's violent behaviour towards his wife and daughters which had figured prominently in the book the film constructed an ideal image of 'normal' family life and thus managed to present the decline of the nuclear family—and not its existence—as one of the main reasons for teenage drug use.
Right at the beginning of the film we see several shots of the bleak high-rises of the Gropiusstadt settlement, accompanied by Christiane's voice-over: Everywhere just piss and shit. You just have to look closely. No matter how new and lavish everything appears from the distance. With its green lawns and the shopping malls.
But in the houses it stinks the most, in the staircases. But what else should the children do when they're playing outside and have an urgent need? Before the elevator arrives and they reach the eleventh or twelfth floor, they already wet their pants and take a beating. So they prefer to relieve themselves in the hallway. I mean, my father at that time, like: 'What, a twelve year-old heroin addict? Well, then she has to get her arse kicked, right?
And that's the end of it. Dann muss die mal ordentlich den Arsch vollkriegen. So, dann hat sich da die Sache. So einfach ist es dann aber doch nicht. Interviews with former heroin addicts confirm the role of familial violence in many addicts' biographies, cf. Man muss nur genau hinsehen. Da machen sie lieber gleich in den Hausflur. The high-rises were also a symbol for a social order whose foundations were rotten, no matter how sparkling its surface might appear.
This suggestion had already been presented strongly through the photographs and captions that accompanied the original articles and that had also reappeared in the book version of the report. As with the causes for heroin addiction, the film repeated contemporary assumptions about the relation between drug use and sexuality. Da will ich hin. As soon as she entered the sites of youth culture she was approached by young men from a clique of drug users and quickly fell in love with one of them.
In accordance with criminologists' presumptions she was taking her first shot of heroin mainly in order to understand, and be closer to, her boyfriend Detlef. In the following scenes, the causal connection between drug use and the development of a deviant sexuality was confirmed by Christiane's need to prostitute herself. This process culminated in her flogging an adult, male masochist—a reversion of traditional gender roles that appeared as the ultimate perversion fig.
Directly after this scene, Christiane attempted to commit suicide by an overdose of heroin. Female sexuality and susceptibility to seduction to both sex and drugs had figured prominently following the publication of the original interview series. The Stern magazine had advertized the book version with a photograph of Christiane F. The crisis of modern urbanity and the decline of the nuclear family appeared thus as the two main reasons for deviate adolescent behaviour.
The crises of city and nuclear family also meant that teenagers were in danger of developing a deviant sexuality. By paralleling heroin use and sexuality, the film suggested that its topic was not just relevant to a small minority but that it touched upon a problem that potentially concerned all teenagers once they reached puberty—and their parents. The Bahnhof Zoo as a heterotopia of deviation Detlef: You, you better not come here. Christiane: But why not? Detlef: Because I don't want my girlfriend to come to the Zoo, that's why.
You know, here's the endmost scum. You don't belong here. Here, the scene was gathering and drugs were being traded. In the station's public toilets, teenagers were injecting heroin into their veins. Sometimes their dead bodies were discovered here as well. Exploring further the role of the public toilet as a potential link between discourses on drugs and deviant sexuality would be beyond the scope of this study.
When Christiane enters the train station for the first time to look for her boyfriend Detlef, she passes a group of three middle-aged men who are recognizable as 'foreigners' by their darker skin and their accents. You fuck? I pay much! Du ficken? Ich viel bezahlen! In the figure of the young white girl Christiane, it was also the German nation that needed to be protected from foreign influences. Being escorted to the backside of the train station, Christiane is then shown the site of male homosexual prostitution.
By her disgusted views and comments the deviating forms of sexuality that were represented here were clearly marked as being outside of the realm of the acceptable. Homosexuality, male masochism, and urophilia were thus attributed to the Bahnhof Zoo as a space of the abnormal. In real life, neither of these phenomena was limited to the Bahnhof Zoo. In other parts of the city, teenagers' use of heroin was as omnipresent as were the members of migrant communities. Yet the film's merit lay exactly in its creation of a symbolic space at which the omnipresent threats of modern society could be located and, at least symbolically, contained.
Berlin's heroin scene had established the area of the Bahnhof Zoo as one of many meeting places during the s; by blinding out the omnipresence of heroin and focusing on this single place, the film transformed the Bahnhof Christiane F. The discourse on teenage heroin addiction helped a society in crisis reassure itself about its basic norms and values e. Meanwhile, symbolic spaces such as the Bahnhof Zoo provided the comforting certainty that those who deviated from these norms were only to be found in a limited number of places.
The film could thus also provide instructions for the future conformist behaviour of both youth and adults. It was common sense that the consumption of illegalized drugs could have no part in this. But by equating drug use and sexuality the film demanded from its young audience—especially the girls—to develop a sexuality according to heteronormative standards, under penalty of complete moral and physical decay. Teenagers were therefore requested to stay away from certain places—Bahnhof Zoo, nightclubs—but also from foreigners and non- heterosexual relationships.
The lesson for adults was quite similar. Verherrlicht der Film die Drogen-Szene? Babsi continues by claiming proudly to have served seven clients in one hour. Toll, wa? Babsi's promiscuity, her lack of shame and decency, later turn her into the youngest heroin victim of Berlin.
Christiane F. Christiane's friend Kessi is saved from becoming a heroin addict when her mother finds her and Christiane, both drugged, in a subway station. She grabs her daughter, slaps her in the face several times, and takes her home. The viewers could therefore assume that she had been saved from a life of drug addiction and prostitution due to strict parental control. After years of dislocation, youth delinquency had seemingly found its place again. In the heterotopia of the Bahnhof Zoo, space and normalcy were thus constituting each other. By discursively locating various forms of deviation at the train station, it became a symbolic counter-site of and a container for everything that was excluded from society.
In turn, the station assured everyone who was absent from this space of their normalcy—or of the normalcy of their children. The social crisis of the s and the unease in sight of the vices of consumerism, uncontrollable immigration, and sexual liberalization could be mitigated by transforming these social developments into a matter of public space.
Without these slaps she may have found herself on the scene and on the game even before me and wouldn't be a high-school graduate by now. Contesting the nature of heterotopia My first stop on the trail of Christiane F. Disappointed, the five are leaving. Yet many adults were unsure whether youth would really get the message.
Didn't the enormous success of We Children from Bahnhof Zoo signify an uncanny fascination on the part of youth with its topic, a fascination that the movie might even foster rather than counteract? Across the political spectrum, press reviews of the movie were unanimously concerned with exactly this question: did the film prevent youth from becoming heroin addicts?
The cinema has apparently replaced the galleries of the fair, allowing for a voyeuristic gaze on other people's misery. Both the fair and the movie theater have been described as heterotopias. Although the assessments of the film's merits in this regard differed significantly—from the suggestion to show it in schools to its condemnation—the reviewers' perspective was the same: this was a movie that was made by adults but directed primarily at youth. Much less is known about the way youth read and watched the story of Christiane F.
Although it can be said that many youth must have identified with the protagonists in some way, they understood We Children from Bahnhof Zoo as a story about youth but not exclusively for youth. I think this topic concerns everyone. Shortly before the film was brought to the theaters the alternative Tageszeitung featured book and film, together with recommendations of other youth books on the topic. Mit uns waren es vielleicht 20 Prozent Erwachsene. Ich find', dieses Thema geht alle an. Above all, though, the needs of youth needed to be taken care of by their parents: Christiane eventually made it, but many end up dying of heroin.
Therefore, the parents in particular have to show love and understanding. And not just once their own children are addicted to alcohol or drugs. Then it often is too late already. Thereafter, many parents want to make up for it quickly. But I think that this is a case in which you cannot make up for everything from one day to the other. Viele Eltern wollen es dann wieder schnell gut machen [sic]. These different readings manifested themselves also in the different meanings attributed to the Bahnhof Zoo.
For adult society—and probably for many youth as well—the Bahnhof Zoo was a heterotopia of deviance, a counter-site at which the threatening social Other was at the same time contained and visibly condensed. Yet at least for some youth, and not just a few either, the counter-site Bahnhof Zoo was more fascinating than threatening. It was a heterotopia indeed, but one that was invested with longing rather than fear. The most thorough of them even pilgrimage out to Gropiusstadt, in order to marvel at the concrete playground described in the book.
In a way, it was the effect of an 'ordinary' pop phenomenon. Bravo, especially, had fuelled the media hype around Christiane F. The whole film had been reproduced as a film-photo-story through several issues, complemented by background information on heroin use and interviews with the director and leading actors. It caused such a vague longing in me. And then the images of Berlin at night. How the kids were freaking out like urban Indians [Stadtindianer], how they were smashing the shop windows or kicked up a fuss on the Mercedes tower, that was totally cool.
Such a feeling of boundless freedom. Going to the disco at night, being totally happy, not having to give an account to anyone. And of course [I wanted] to try out drugs and get to know the scene. Der Spiegel and Tageszeitung were also describing groups of adult tourists. Wie die Kids da rumgeflippt sind wie Stadtindianer, wie sie Fensterscheiben eingeschmissen oder auf dem Mercedes-Hochhaus tierisch Fez gemacht haben, das war 94 Youth, as a stage of transformation from childhood to adulthood, needed socio- geographical spaces to experience and articulate new needs and desires.
Listening to rock music, hanging out with peers, becoming sexually active, but also delinquent behaviour like the consumption of drugs were all means to establish spaces from which parents and other adults were excluded. And on Sundays my parents forced me to go to church. Yet to those who experienced the private space of the nuclear family, embedded in the orderly nature of the small town, the village, or the suburban idyll as a constricting nightmare, the spatial ensemble of We Children from Bahnhof Zoo was a space of freedom rather than of deviance and decline.
Nachts in die Disco gehen, total gut drauf sein, niemandem Rechenschaft schuldig sein. Alles total eng. Und sonntags haben mich meine Eltern gezwungen, in die Kirche zu gehen. As counter-sites, the spaces of deviation can only be understood in their relation to the bourgeois, middle-class ideals of living and housing.
For those youth who could not, or did not want to, conform to these ideals and their respective norms and values, the heroin scene and Bahnhof Zoo held a different meaning than it did for adults. The Bahnhof Zoo was but a symbol, an architectural manifestation of the longing for spaces in which youth could be free from adults' regimes of norms and control. It was still a heterotopia, a space that was different from all other spaces. But it was a heterotopia of liberation—not despite, but exactly because it was marked by the absence of hegemonic norms and values.